Florian OLTEANU, PhD
Abstract. In this paper I tried to create a working tool. I wanted to show that between historical and rhetorical research is a very close connection. For the present paper, I considered that the most suitable case study is the presentation of the collaboration relationship between Stalin and Hitler, started in 1939 and which worked until June 1941.
Even if Soviet historiography tried to cover this collaboration as much as Stalin lived, the remaining documents prove that this anachronistic cooperation was carefully argued by Stalin, using arguments based on analogies, facts and value.
Keywords: dictatorship, discourse, manipulator act, philosophy, dictators
The present paper aims to present an analysis of the historical discourse based on analogy. We can best observe the analogies of political discourse and action by studying authoritarian regimes. It is generally said that democracies are similar in nature of democratic regime, while authoritarian regimes, on the contrary, are individualistic and with many particular elements.
As we will be able to observe in the following, precisely the authoritarian regimes have analogies. And even where there are the biggest differences, when the situation dictated it, organically antagonistic regimes cooperated, as we will see from the case study presented in this work.
INTRODUCTION
If in a democracy, speech is usually spontaneous, in authoritarian regimes, the speeches are carefully drafted, analyzed and censored, to be put at the service of the regime political. There are special ministries, there is an army of officials who deal with everything: from retouching official biographies, to the drafting of thematic speeches, to the permanent search for analogies, to the overuse of value-based and fact-based argumentation.
In a democracy, value is given by the perpetuity, by the popularity of a concept, in while in authoritarian regimes, where there is a direction of thought, fragility arguments must be removed through broad, eclectic discourses, loaded with old symbols, from distant eras, but with an impact on the public.
These are just a few examples of how authoritarian regimes have used argumentation, analogies and value as an object of one’s own ideology.
All the facts, descriptions and speeches presented below show that they have a number of common points:
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Preamble-Information
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Motivation-Argument
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Advice-Innovative idea
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Conclusion-The way forward
The rise of Mussolini and Hitler seem to have a common denominator: discontent compared to the political-economic situation after the Peace of Versailles.
Dictatorship regimes in Africa, Asia and Latin America have usurpation in common of power by the military in key positions. It is the case of Mobutu Sese Seko, Muammar el Gaddafi.
MAIN DICTATORS TYPES OF DISCOURSES
It has come, at certain times, that the authoritarian leaders believe that the failure of their project political failure was given by the inability of the people to understand their leader, just as Adolf Hitler thought in February-March 1945, when he gave the famous “Nero directive”, according to which Germany did not deserve to have any of what the Nazi regime had created by ordering destruction of Germany’s infrastructure. Obviously, even the staunchest Nazis refused this.
Stalin also ordered that Leningrad be mined, as in case of surrender, the civilian population and the German military occupier, the Soviet troops who would have surrendered to perish with the city, so that the enemy can no longer capitalize on the victory.
Until 1902, Josef Djugashvili acted as the head of a group that procured money for the activities of the communists, through robberies and protection taxes, acting under the name of Koba, a legend of Caucasian outlaws. Convicted for robberies and subversive activity, he was several times deported to Siberia between 1902 and 1917. His combat experience attracted appreciation and, implicitly, election to the Central Committee, at the Party Conference in Prague, in January 1912. There is evidence that he was also an informer of the czarist secret police, Okhrana. In 1913 he adopted the name Stalin, which means “of steel” in Russian1.
From the period of exile in Vienna, he wrote a treatise, “Marxism and the national problem”. In 1917, Stalin became the editor of the newspaper Pravda, claiming Kerensky’s provisional government during the revolution which broke out in February 1917 .
In April 1917, after Lenin had published the April Theses, which brought into relief his position, Stalin won the election to the Central Committee with the third number of votes in party. This success secured him the position of member in the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, a month later, a position he held until his death in May 1953.
Although there are still controversies over his role in the Bolshevik counter-revolution of 1917, with certainty that his skills as a man of action ensured him a decisive role in the development of actual events, to the detriment of political actions.
During the Civil War (1918-1922) and the Polish-Russian War, Stalin was commissar political in the Red Army on various fronts. Stalin’s first government position was that of the People’s Commissar for the Affairs of Nationalities (1917-1923), also given the treatise published during the Viennese exile, as well as his theses, regarding language policy. He also held the positions of People’s Commissar for the Inspection of Workers and Peasants (1919-1922), member of the Revolutionary Military Soviet (1920-1923) and member of the Committee Central Executive of the Congress of Soviets (since 1917).2
The core of the Bolshevik Party was dominated by Lenin, Lev Trotsky (leftist, exponent of the idea of exporting the revolution), the father of the Red Army, Felix Dzerzhinsky, the head of CEKA, the new secret police, former NKVD (People’s Commissariat for Internal Affairs), Bukharin, (exponent of the straight line, national).
They wanted to put Stalin, a “centrist”, like Zinoviev and Kamenev, in the position of General Secretary of the Communist Party, in April 1922, considering that he was a job for a “mountain peasant” like Stalin. He knew that at the general secretariat he could coordinate the party’s activity at the national level, so he accepted it because he had control over the governing apparatus, in which he took care to impose faithful elements, turning it into a personal function, a fact that brought him into conflict with Lenin, who had suffered a brain attack. Lenin requested, in a letter, the removal of Stalin, but he managed to validate the idea that the disease deprived Lenin of normal thinking3.
After Lenin’s death in January 1924, Stalin skillfully oscillated between Trotsky, Kamenev, and Zinoviev – on the one hand, and Bukharin – on the other, succeeding as in the year of the introduction of the “five-year plans”, 1928, to become number 1 in the party. In 1929, thanks to this positions, he determined Trotsky’s exile.
For nearly a decade, until the great purges of 1936-1938, Stalin paved the way to complete control of the party.
Spending time in cafes, looking for customers, and working in Vienna, as he had to remark Hitler4 in his book, Mein Kampf, the Austro-Hungarian Empire had become a space of the decadence of the German spirit, due to the influence of the Slavs and the Balkans. These concepts have developed starting from the chauvinist, anti-Semitic, racist theories and discourses exposed by Jörg Lanz von Liebenfels, knight Georg Ritter von Schönerer, leader of the “Pan-German Movement” (Alldeutsche Bewegung or Alldeutscher Verband), deeply nationalist-chauvinist in orientation, and by the mayor of Vienna, Karl Lueger, the leader of the Christian party, who promoted virulent anti-Semitism.
In May 1914, Adolf Hitler chose to emigrate to Germany, settling in Munich, a “truly German” city, the capital of Bavaria.
Here he was caught by the assassination of Archduke Franz-Ferdinand. Also from “Mein Kampf”, we learn that he experienced a shock to learn that the archduke, the heir to the crown was assassinated by the Serbs, he who was the friend of nationalities. He had hoped that the assassin was a German, that it was the German spirit that killed him and that he had condemned. Hitler welcomed Austria-Hungary’s declaration of war on Serbia, therefore he voluntarily enlisted in the German army, where he fought on the western front, in France and Belgium, in the Bavarian Reserve regiment, serving as quartermaster (courier) of the regiment.
He took part in the First Battle of Ypres, the Battle of the Somme, the Battle of Arras and the Battle of at Passchendaele, being twice decorated for bravery. After being seriously injured, being temporarily blinded, awarded the Iron Cross Second Class in 1914 and the Iron Cross first class in 1918, although he only had the rank of corporal with two stars. Contemporaries and they had remembered that he was valued for his qualities as a fighter, that he was left to command the band, including non-commissioned officers marching in front of him. Since then, he began to wear his usual mustache and to be known for “jackal howls”.
Adolf Hitler outlined his main conception of politics namely Volksgemeinschaft, the “ethnic community”, strongly influenced by anti-Semitism5.
Germany had been forced to capitulate in 1918 at Compiegne without having been occupied either at least one square meter of its territory. However, she was sentenced to a shameful peace, at Versailles, which made the new political body, the Weimar Republic, unpopular. How unpopular were the attempts of the communists, such as Roza Luxembrug and Karl Liebneckt to seize power, through a coup d’état, in 1919, at the head of the Spartakus group.
Thus, he later credited the idea of “stabbing in the back” of the German people (Dolchstoßlegende) and that of the crime against Germany, the authors being considered the criminals of November (Novemberverbrecher). In the same year, as an agent of the political department of the Bavarian army, associated with the German Workers’ Party (Deutsche Arbeiterpartei, abbreviated DAP) which was, despite its name, far-right, ultra-nationalist, anti-Semitic and anti-capitalist, upward orientation in Germany. He became a member of the executive committee, thanks to energy and oratorical talent. Adolf Hitler and the founder of the party, Anton Drexler, have built the political program in February 1922 and renamed the party as the National Socialist German Workers’ Party-NSDAP.
Soon enough, the idea of a coup entered Hitler’s mind. Between 8-9 November 1923 Adolf Hitler tried, supported by a group of supporters, to reach the top Germany to trigger the “Brewery Putsch”, so called because the place where the conspirators chose to meet was the Bürgerbräukeller brewery in Munich.
It is necessary to state that the initiative of the future ally, Benito Mussolini, “The March on Rome”, successful in Italy in October 1922, had the role of a model of action.
However, the coup failed, Hitler being arrested along with other accomplices on November 11, 1923. Hitler was tried for treason and sentenced to five years in prison. He executed but only nine months in the prison of Landsberg am Lech, Bavaria, during which he wrote his well-known book “Mein Kampf”, in which he set forth his ideology and his political program, based on the concepts of the Aryan race, the purity of the race. In Hitler’s conception, humanity would have been formed on the basis of a value hierarchy of races, and life represented only “survival adaptable”. The German people were considered superior, part of the “Aryan race”, and therefore it would have been their duty to maintain the purity of the race and to subordinate the inferior races: the Jews, the Gypsies, the Slavs, and the colored races. Hitler considered the Jewish community as a cancer that was destroying the body of Germany.
From the beginning of his political career Hitler was aware of the ability to influence of propaganda. In April 1930 he appointed Joseph Goebbels as head of the propaganda apparatus on the entire territory of Germany. The Nazis successfully used the new modern techniques of indoctrination and propaganda, election posters and radio, throughout the period between Hitler’s failed putsch in Munich (1923) and the seizure of state power in 19336.
Planes and luxury automobiles were rented for his faster travel in as many places as possible, during the election campaigns. In 1932, Adolf Hitler received German citizenship. Finally, the Nazis got the expected results in the elections of 1930 and from July 1932 (but the percentage obtained in the elections for the Reichstag – the National Parliament from November 6, 1932 decreased). High representation in regional parliaments of the Nazi party, especially after 1930, had among the causes the poor representation of the electorate at ballot boxes, the serious economic condition caused by the great economic crisis (with over six million unemployed), as well as the deflationary policy with which the government of Chancellor Heinrich Brüning (1930-1932) reacted to the economic crisis, amplifying it.
The success achieved by the nazi party in the summer elections of 1932, after which the Nazis have formed the largest parliamentary group in the Reichstag after the Social Democratic group, encouraged Hitler not to accept any position other than that of Chancellor. The negotiations between Hitler and the president of Germany, Marshal Paul von Hindenburg aiming at the formation of the government do not have led to no result.
Several months of political instability followed until January 30, 1933, when Hitler was appointed Chancellor. The new government also included Franz von Papen, chancellor between June 1 and November 17, 1932, who had participated with General Kurt von Schleicher, chancellor from 4 December 1932 to 28 January 1933, to the behind-the-scenes arrangement, accepted by President von Hindenburg, for instructing Hitler to train the government.
In a short time, the Nazis took over all the leadership positions, both in the Reichstag and in regional parliaments. They also occupied all the key economic positions. In March 1933 Hitler decided to propose the Enabling Act to the new parliament (Ermächtigungsgesetz), which provided for the abolition of parliamentary procedures and legislation and the transfer of full power to the chancellor and his government, by assuming dictatorial prerogatives. With the help of the crowd gathered in the street and the terror instituted by the “Battalions of Assault” or SA (Sturmabteilung) and the other paramilitary organization, the SS (Schutzstaffel, “Echelon of protection”), the law was adopted with 444 favorable votes and 94 against. To thus opening the way to totalitarian dictatorship7.
After the outbreak of the First World War, Benito Mussolini entered the conflict openly with the leaders of the Italian Socialist Party for his open and vehement position expressed by the entry of Italy into the war against Germany. As a direct result of his “disobedience” to party policy, on November 25, 1914, Mussolini was expelled from the Italian Socialist Party. Immediately, Mussolini founded his own newspaper, Il Popolo d’Italia, in which he wrote virulent editorials through which he tried to change public opinion in the meaning desired by him with the aim of making Italy enter the war8.
When Italy entered the war, Benito Mussolini volunteered for the army, becoming a corporal, like Adolf Hitler. In the war, he actually served on the battlefield, from September 1915 until February 1917 when he was wounded and then demobilized.
On March 23, 1919, to be exact, Mussolini founded, in Milan, the first political group of fascist orientation, Fasci di combattimento. Initially, the program of his political group had a strictly nationalist orientation, seeking to attract the broad category of veterans of the First War World. As a leitmotif, Mussolini insisted on restoring the glory of ancient Rome.
Later, realizing that his target group of war veterans is not enough for achieving his political goals, Mussolini added another component to his program fascist, which specifically addressed rich Italians, company and land owners.
In October 1922, Mussolini organized the “March on Rome” (Marcia su Roma). At his behest, thousands of fascists marched on Rome to seize power. However, fascist propaganda greatly exaggerated the proportions of that march. Mussolini himself and his associates chose to come by train. It was expected that any maneuver by the police could disperse the participants.
However, King Victor Emmanuel III, to show that he was dissatisfied with the fact that Italy, although a victorious power, it had not received due respect at the Peace Conference of 1919, designated Mussolini as prime minister, aiming to gain influence over the former combatants and the population, battered by the global economic crisis. In the following years, Mussolini gradually took over all power, taking the title of “Il Duce” and imposing the cult in Italy of one’s own personality.
Another aspect of the cultural revolution is discourses and relationships between dictators and the Church, be it Orthodox or Roman Catholic. Benito Mussolini restored relations with the Papal State in 1929, ending its interruption that dates back to 1871. This fact made him popular among the Catholic clergy and of the Italians in general, but relations remained quite tense. In relation to Islam, Mussolini had a relatively benevolent attitude, which made him popular among Muslims Libyans and Africans. The relationship with the Jews degraded, from an initial “tolerance”, towards a Holocaust ordered at the wish of Hitler who conditioned his growing support for Italy9.
I.V. Stalin, a former seminarian in the Orthodox confession, persecuted the Church. Just in war time he had a more conciliatory attitude, restoring the Moscow Patriarchate in 1943, abolished in the 1920s. And he encouraged the Muslims of Central Asia to the extent that they were fighting under the aegis of communist movements. Stalin went on a rampage against the Jews, especially during the “conspiracy of the white coats”, when he accused the most important doctors (many of them of Jewish origin) of the fact that he would have liquidated Gorky, Kuibyshev or Sverdlov at the pressures of the Western “imperialists”.
Adolf Hitler, the creator of a “new order” considered himself powerful enough that his ideology to take the place of religion. Having a modest education, his gestures, diction lessons were taught to him by the famous mentalist Erich Jan Hanussen, a Jew by origin.
Assisted by Rudolf Hess, for many years his secretary, even during its closure (1923-1924), Hitler published his political creed in the work “My Struggle”, Mein Kampf, published in 1925 and which would be translated into 12 languages, selling millions of copies, about 5 million DM entering Adolf Hitler’s accounts.
Benito Mussolini was perhaps the greatest user of written and spoken discourse. Talented journalist, good orator, Mussolini made “Il Popolo d Italia”, one of the most sold Italian newspapers, also having a monumental headquarters. As leader of Italy, he continued to be owner of this newspaper, after 1943, becoming head of the Ephemera Republica de Salo, he resumed sells the newspaper “Il Popolo d Italia”, with an extraordinary price, given the increasingly difficult situation of Northern Italy, towards which the Americans were advancing, landing in Sicily, in 1943.
It is interesting that at one point Hitler made some statements of sympathy towards Islam, especially towards the idea of “holy war”. His sympathies for Islam also came from the cause of the conflict between the Jews and the Muslims, somehow wanting to pit another religion against the Jews. Hitler is the one who promoted the harshest anti-Semitism, he is the one who laid the foundations
The contemporary holocaust is the most horrific of the entire era. After numerous pogroms until 1941, from that year Nazi Germany introduced the idea of exterminating the Jews in concentration camps, such as Dachau, Bergen-Belsen, Sobibor, Auschwitz-Birkenau, Treblinka.
And so on in January 1942, Adolf Eichmann implemented the idea at the Wannsee Conference of “the final solution”. Josef Mengele’s “experiments” should also be mentioned, actually horrific actions that caused the death of thousands of prisoners for so-called scientific purposes. It appeared then even the plan to deport the Jews to the island of Madagascar10.
Nicolae Ceauşescu tried to isolate the communist elite from the church, but he used this to better control the life of Romanians. His wife, Elena Ceauşescu, developed a aversion against the Jews, created, especially during his youth, in the interwar years. However, Nicolae Ceauşescu’s relations with the state of Israel were among the best, he wanted to be a peacemaker in the relationship with the Palestinians, the Syrians11.
Fidel Castro encouraged the Catholic confession, but also the manifestations of a faith folk inspired by the practices of slaves brought from overseas during colonialism.
Latin American leaders like Augusto Pinochet and Salvador Allende respected the values of Catholicism, the majority in their states, but they could not prevent the existence of the beliefs of the descendants of ancient Amerindian populations.
Francisco Franco, a Catholic, also had an attitude of promoting Catholicism, convinced, but he campaigned for the close relationship between Church and State, despite the fact that the Roman Catholic Church of Spain was canonically subject to the Vatican.
Muammar Gaddafi and Saddam Hussein built their regimes on values and Islamic principles, which they placed at the foundation of the political regimes led by them.
Any dictator was concerned both with the official biography and with his own image and especially with speeches. Stalin was a dictator who read a lot. He was thought to be able to read and annotate approx 500 pages daily (papers, official reports, secret information). His work (the only one about which it is considered to have been written by him) dedicated to the peoples of Russia, at the time when it was People’s Commissar for Nationalities (highest position held before 1924, the year he took power after Lenin’s death) represents the essence of Soviet construction. He organized ethnic enclaves, which, if necessary, revolt, if the majority no longer were listening to Moscow. The recipe for enclaves is known to this day, in the 21st century, as “the recipe to Stalin”. Stalin had a habit of making annotations. He had been a good seminary student, thanks the fact that he respected his mother Ecaterina Geladze, who made great efforts to support him12.
Adolf Hitler had only one passion, painting. Once refused, upon admission to Vienna, he did everything in his power to establish himself as an expert in the matter. He even organized one “exhibition of decadent art”, hoping that the Germans would publicly denigrate the art of that time, waiting for the new art. The effect was the opposite, with the Germans flocking to see for the last sometimes works that were to be removed from the public circuit for many years. Hitler’s ideas in matter of painting were disputed even by those close to them, since all the leading Nazis, with Goring at the head of the list tried to steal works of art from France and the other occupied states, to make private museums.
Even after his visits to North Korea and China, Nicolae Ceauşescu imposed a cult of the disgraced personality, entitled “Nicolae Ceauşescu, general secretary of the Romanian communist Party, president of the Socialist Republic of Romania, supreme commander of the forces armies”. Very often, the press used the epithets “the genius helmsman”, “the most beloved son of to the Romanian people”, “exceptional personality of the contemporary world”, “fighter for the cause of justice and peace, and socialism”, “the genius of the Carpathians”, “the great leader”.
After co-opting Elena Ceauşescu in the leadership of the party and the state, she built an exceptional scientific biography, being called a “world-renowned scientist” and “loving mother” of the people. Thanks to the efforts of the Security, Elena Ceauşescu had received more many Doctor Honoris Causa titles at various universities around the world. After obtaining a doctorate in chemistry, Elena Ceauşescu became a member of the Romanian Academy. In 1974, Nicolae Ceauşescu created the position of President of the Republic, being endowed with a scepter, designed by several specialists. The painter Salvador Dali, an eccentric, sent the dictator a congratulatory telegram, published in the central press, a stinging irony, a mockery in the true meaning of the word which for the leaders from Bucharest, passed as a extraordinary praise13: “I congratulate you on the establishment of the presidential scepter!, Signed Salvador Dali”.
This telegram shows how the genius of the eccentric Salvador Dali defeated vigilantism censorship. The scepter was the attribute of royal power, a power that communist ideology refused.
The fine irony, the hidden message is found in the words “institution of the presidential scepter”.
Nicolae Ceauşescu transformed, in 1974, the position of President of the Socialist Republic Romania, which he had created, from an elected position, into a hereditary one. Thus, the eccentric Salvador Dali painted in a fine color, but which hid a terrible irony, with the help of words, the prop directed by the leader from Bucharest.
OLYMPIC GAMES AND DICTATORIAL “WAY”
One aspect of the struggle to gain external prestige is the struggle of the tyrant Cleisthenes to have control of the great Panhellenic sanctuary of Delphi, a confrontation in which he had as a rival the fortress of Krisa in Phocis. His policy of control over a Panhellenic sanctuary will be followed later by other illustrious leaders from the Greek world, among whom we can mention the figure of the king of Macedonia, Philip II. Following the model of the Olympic games, dedicated to Zeus, Cleisthenes instituted other Panhellenic games, the Pythian Games, in 582 BC. Due to his actions, he was awarded after winning a chariot race. Gelon, the tyrant of Syracuse also won resounding victories in the chariot races at the Olympic Games in 488 BC. Hieron I was also the winner of several chariot races at Olympia.
Hitler wanted to give the 1936 Olympics in Berlin and Garmisch-Partenkirchen the image of an Aryan triumph. Jesse Owens, the black athlete who won four gold medals in athletics, contradicted him a little. Nervous, Hitler had to leave the podium four times.
Mussolini personally saw to it that Italy won two soccer world cups, out of a total of four won so far14.
Nicolae Ceauşescu paid more attention to the Olympics. The triumph of Nadia Comăneci, from Montreal in 1976, was the victory of an education system, Nadia herself becoming a symbol, until her escape in 1989. In 1980, in Moscow, Nicolae Ceauşescu protested against the “injustice” of the referees in gymnastics.
Four years later, when, in Los Angeles, Nicolae Ceauşescu authorized the participation of the Romanian Olympians, Romania being the only participating socialist country (2-nd place in medals), he received the “Platinum Olympic Circles” distinction, being the only communist leader who had this dignity. Regarding football, Nicolae Ceauşescu wanted to make a Scorniceşti team.
Even though the practice of arrangements between the Army (Steaua) and Militia (Dinamo) teams was known at the time, Nicolae Ceauşescu wanted to create a team, Victory of Socialism (led by Mitică Dragomir), which would become the flag. In 1986, after a spectacular match, Steaua won the European Champions Cup in Seville, against Barcelona. The merit belonged to Valentin Ceauşescu, who, quite literally, contrary to any regulations, played the role of “club president”. With the support of the Security, he managed to perfect the transfers, so that Steaua’s course that year was spotless.
Until 1989, Steaua played one more final, losing to AC Milan. All sports in Romania, except for the Winter Olympic ones (a single bronze medal in the two-person bobsled, in Grenoble, in 1968) had performances, the peaks being gymnastics, athletics, and rowing.
CONCLUSIONS
It is not the only time, when between the assumed ideological discourse and the political action of the leaders are differences. These examples will suffice to give a convincing picture.
The studies of Iosif Vissarionovic Djugašvili (Stalin) at the Theological Seminary in Tblisi (Tiflis), from which he was expelled for revolutionary activities (although the student I.V. Djugašvili was a scholarship holder), allowed him to master the technique of argumentation and how to present arguments based on value and facts, especially.
After the war, as I have shown, both the Soviets and the Americans were quick to get hold of the “intelligence” of the Nazi regime, i.e. the teams of researchers, people of science and especially on their research. Thus, although theoretically, in Nürnberg, Nazism was convicted, the Americans and the Soviets were content to judge and sentence to death only the “heavies” of Nazi politics, most members of the Gestapo, SS, Wehrmacht, SD, Abwehr, RHSA escaping and obtaining “clean” records in what was called “Operation Paperclip” (Office clip, as the real biographies of those “extracted” were attached with a retouched biography paper clip). Thus, Western democracies and Soviet power overcame ideological differences, seeking to capture as much of the “prey” as possible.
Nazi Germany, defeated. The FRG and the GDR will quickly recover with the help of the US and respectively the Soviet Union, the “Cold War” starting immediately after the end of the last one Potsdam Inter-Allied Conferences of the summer of 1945.
The present work can be extended in the future, broadening the research horizon to others sciences, such as sociology, human action, philosophy, etc.
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Assistant Professor University of Craiova, Social Sciences Faculty, ISPRI Department.
1 Florian Olteanu, Carmen Zamfirescu, Florin Nacu, Vasile Stoica, Tiranie, dictatură şi revoluţie, Aius Publishing House, Craiova, 2013, pp. 36-39.
2 Ibidem, p. 49.
3 Florian Olteanu, Carmen Zamfirescu, Florin Nacu, Vasile Stoica, op.cit., pp. 40-43.
4 Werner Maser, Adolf Hitler. Legende-Mythos-Wirklichkeit, München & Esslingen, 1971, p. 89.
5 Ibidem.
6 Ibidem.
7 Florian Olteanu, Carmen Zamfirescu, Florin Nacu, Vasile Stoica, op.cit., pp. 43-46.
8 Brenda Haugen, Benito Mussolini: Fascist Italian Dictator. Minneapolis, Minnesota, Compass Point Books, 2007 p. 90.
9 Florian Olteanu, Carmen Zamfirescu, Florin Nacu, Vasile Stoica, op.cit., pp. 149-158.
10 Christopher R. Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution: The Evolution of Nazi Jewish Policy, September 1939 – March 1942. Comprehensive History of the Holocaust. Lincoln, University of Nebraska Press, 2004, p. 82.
11 Florian Olteanu, Carmen Zamfirescu, Florin Nacu, Vasile Stoica, Tiranie…, pp. 145-157.
12 Ibidem.
13 Ibidem.
14 Ibidem, pp. 95-96.